4.2.2: Political Era Policing

Due to the close ties between police and local politicians, the period from the 1840s through the early 1900s is often referred to as the political era of American policing (Kelling & Moore, 1988). While it is often argued that the implementation of the first U.S. urban police departments, such as those in Boston, MA (1838), New York, NY (1844), and New Orleans, LA (1852), was in response to rising crime and increased riots, there is no empirical evidence to support these claims. In contrast, historical record indicates that crime rates and the frequency of riots remained relatively stable over this period (Gurr, 1989). Most likely, citizen support for the development of the first urban police departments was spurred by intolerance for riots and reports of “spectacular crimes,” such as the 1841 murder of Mary Rogers in New York, depicted in Figure below (Brodeur, 2010; Monkkonen, 1992); see Today in History: The Mysterious 1841 Murder of Mary Cecile Rogers. While the precise catalyst remains a matter of debate, the outcome was the establishment of the first formally organized police departments in the U.S, complete with full-time employees.

Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\): Mary Cecilia Rogers, a 20-year-old renowned for her beauty, worked at John Anderson’s popular cigar store in New York City. Despite her playful demeanor, she rebuffed romantic advances, including those from her employer, and ended engagements with two men. In July 1841, she vanished, and her body was later found near Sybil’s Cave in Hoboken, showing signs of violence. Speculation about her murder abounded, implicating her fiancé Daniel Payne, among others. Despite some evidence and rumors, including a suicide note left by Payne, the case remained unsolved. Edgar Allan Poe immortalized Rogers’ story in his tale “The Mystery of Marie Rogêt.” Various theories persist, including one involving a failed abortion, but the true circumstances of her death remain unknown.
Photo Credit: The New York Public Library Digital Collections, Public Domain

Early urban police departments in the U.S. attempted to replicate the English model but fell short of adopting it entirely, resulting in the adaptation of a distorted version of the English policing system (Brodeur, 2010). The most noticeable distinctions between the U.S. and English policing models lie in their overall structure, oversight, and funding allocation at the government level. Specifically, the English policing model is highly centralized, operating and receiving funding from the national government. In contrast, the American policing model is highly decentralized, as well as operated and funded by local governments.

In this political era, law enforcement officers were tightly regulated by political leaders and partisan politics. Hindered by a lack of institutional freedom, they were constrained from operating independently to the current prevailing political opinion, leading to a close alignment between law enforcement and local politicians and political machinery. This entanglement facilitated pervasive bias and corruption within law enforcement agencies. Coupled with insufficient training, basic investigatory strategies, and meager wages, law enforcement proved essentially ineffective in addressing crime alongside their additional responsibilities for maintaining social order and managing various social service tasks.

Typically, cities and counties controlled the police department budgets, exerting political influence over various aspects of the department, including hiring practices, salaries, and job responsibilities. In return, police departments were expected to further the goals of politicians in power, resisting change and upholding the status quo that ensured the politicians’ continued tenure. The relationship between politicians and the police was so intertwined that it was common practice to overhaul entire police departments when changes occurred in the local political administrations. For instance, following the 1880 Cincinnati elections, 74% (219 officers) of the Cincinnati police department were dismissed, and an additional 7% (20 officers) resigned (Uchida, 2005).

In the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries, a great migration of Europeans commenced in the 1870s, coinciding with the period of industrialization. This era drew both immigrants and existing citizens to the larger cities, enticed by opportunities for factory work. Concurrently, there was a substantial movement of African Americans from the southern U.S. regions to urban areas in the North. The year 1910 signified the initiation of “The Great Migration” characterized by hundreds of thousands of African Americans resettlement in northern cities (National Archives, 2021).

In the early 20th century, migrants relocating to developed northern cities were not culturally assimilated or otherwise integrated into the existing structures in their newfound communities. Frequently arriving without housing or employment, these newcomers were commonly viewed as a burden by city residents (Muller, 2012). In addition to the municipal police department’s responsibilities to maintain order and prevent crime, many departments also operated soup lines and assisted new immigrants in finding lodging (Monkkonen, 1982). These extended efforts not only fostered public relations but also provided an opportunity for officers and local politicians to recruit new immigrants into the police force as well as ensured additional voter support.

The political era of American policing, spanning from the 1840s to the early 1900s, witnessed significant change in policing strategies (outlined in the list below, as cited in Kelling & Moore, 1988), yielding both positive outcomes and inherent problems.

Police Organizational Strategies During the Political Era

• Authorization: Primarily political.
• Function: Crime control, order maintenance, and broad social services.
• Organizational Design: Decentralized and geographical.
• Relationship to Environment: Close and personal.
• Demand: Managed through links between politicians and precinct commanders, and face-to-face contacts between citizens & foot patrol officers.
• Tactics & Technology: Foot patrol and rudimentary investigations.
• Outcome: Political and citizen satisfaction with social order.

One of the most beneficial outcomes of the implemented policing strategies was the strong integration of police departments and local politicians within the neighboring communities. This fostered a sense of empowerment in local communities, garnering strong citizen support for their neighborhood police officers, especially from citizens aligned with the current dominant political interests (Kelling & Moore, 1988). This connection facilitated a more direct influence of elected officials on policing procedure, enabling them to more effectively address the unique needs and priorities of specific neighborhoods. At times, police were perceived as both successful crime fighters and crucial government agents who assisted immigrants and the poor (Reppetto, 1978). However, this integration also presented significant shortcomings.

The localized focus of the political era struggled to establish consistent standards and practices across jurisdictions, resulting in a lack of uniformity and potential disparities in the application of law. Additionally, the strong ties between police and politicians allowed opportunity for potential corruption, favoritism, and manipulation of law enforcement for political gain. Police departments, in many cases, became tools to maintain the status quo and suppress dissent, hindering the pursuit of justice and impartial law enforcement. Living and working closely with citizens and politicians, combined with a decentralized bureaucratic structure, resulted in poor supervision of police officials, allowing for the emergence of corruption (Friedman, 1993; Kelling & Moore, 1988). Another concern was the close ties with cultural elites, which influenced discriminatory ideas and perpetuated racist attitudes and actions towards those deemed as outsiders, particularly ethnic and racial minorities, who were often greeted to the neighborhood by police officials with the end of a nightstick (Kelling, 1987). Lastly, patronage was used for promotions, leading to inept policing and the widespread negative perception of police officers, stereotyping them as keystone cops (Kelling & Moore, 1988; Muller, 2012).

Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\): Scene from the silent film Clutches of the Gang (1914) depicts a group of Keystone Cops, known for their comedic portrayals, often exaggerating the incompetence, ineptitude, and disorganization of police officers in absurd scenarios. These fictional police officer archetype reflects the public’s response to widespread corruption and misconduct within law enforcement agencies during the early 20th century. Through their slapstick antics, the Keystone Cops became symbolic representations of the challenges and shortcomings faced by law enforcement during that era, leaving a lasting impression on popular culture.
Photo Credit: Mack Sennett Studios, Public Domain

Overall, while the political era emphasized community connection, it also underscored challenges related to corruption and the potential misuse of policing for political agenda. The close entanglement of politics and policing resulted in inferior social decisions, allowing greed and power-mongering to infiltrate the frontlines of the justice system. Moreover, poor pay, inadequate hiring practices, and unethical management led to an unfair, unbalanced policing system that exhibited bigotry and discriminatory treatment, especially towards ethnic and racial minorities and members of lower socioeconomic classes.